Posted: April 30th, 2022

Comparative Study of Ritual Practices in Two Religions

Comparative Study of Ritual Practices in Two Religions
1. Introduction
The essay “A Comparative Study of Ritual Practices in Two Religions” makes it possible to study rituals which are performed in the different religions of the world. However, for the purpose of this study, the researcher has chosen to focus on two specific types of rituals from among a representative set of world religions. This research will study about the rituals of Hinduism and Islam. First, the researcher has chosen such ritual from Hinduism, which is called “Tilak”. And then the famous Eid prayer from Islamic religion has been selected for the study. Study of ritual practices in two different religions has individually taken a significant place in the field of world religions. Because, there is a relatively large number of sights in which the religions have been discussed independently. But a comprehensive analysis of the rituals and comparative studies between rituals of different religions has not been discussed in those areas. However, as the concepts of the rituals indicate some sort of similarities of human life and inner attitude, it is fundamentally important to have knowledge on the rituals and the practices doing in world religions. From that, the introductory section provides background information of the purpose of this research, research objectives, and the significance of the study. By providing the research objectives of the implementation, this research will try to identify the components and significance of the selected rituals of Hinduism and Islam. And also, this research has attempted to understand the symbolism and purpose of doing these rituals in the societies. And finally, with the help of literature as well as with the findings of the study, this research will critically evaluate whether the chosen rituals give solutions to the problems that humans have in their societies and their personal life. However, the chosen rituals and the main purpose of this research have clearly explained in the next sections.
1.1 Background of the Study
The background information plays a critical role in any research because it helps to generate ideas and to make a research hypothesis. Therefore, before the data collection methods, objectives, design, and measure have been decided, the background has to be built first. Population enclave is one of the reasons to choose Chakma as the study area. Chakma is one of the ethnic minority groups in Bangladesh. The total population of Chakmas is about 600,000, and around 400,000 Chakmas live in Chittagong Hill Tracts, and Rangamati is the district where the largest. 90 princes of Chakma population enclave in the remote area of Rangamati were selected as the study area. They live in 11 villages dispersed in the remote area of Rangamati. Also, the reason why selecting this area is because providing medical services to the people who release in the remote area is always a challenge. Additionally, the project and social workers have to walk 5-7 days to reach the areas when they want to collect the plants to produce medicines. The facility of the hospital is not enough because either it is too far and takes time for the people to go to the hospital or it cannot provide 24-hour services. As a result, by understanding the ritual practices of Chakmas could provide ideas to develop the health services for those population enclave. Another reason to select Chakma as the objective of the comparison is objective 1. Chakmas have a very long history, and they have very unique customs and beliefs. By understanding their ritual practices, it can bring us to understand their culture and beliefs more, enrich indigenous culture, and help to overcome the problem for conservation cultural identity by various measures. Last but not least, tranquiliase is the last reason. In the social science studies, we always see there are a lot of people investigating the religious practices of the Western World such as Christianity and Islam. This can be reflecting on the tradition and conventional religious practices are still dominating in our academic. However, the researches of traditional knowledge and practices of ethnic minority groups are significantly low.
1.2 Research Objectives
The first objective is to analyze the ritual symbolism, ritual performance, and the changes in ritual over time in the context of the globalization of both the Karbis and the Bengalis. The comparative study on the ritual practices of the Karbis and the Bengalis will aim to provide a comprehensive theoretical model for understanding and analyzing the dynamism of the ritual practices by connecting the ritual practices with the symbolic meanings. The second research objective is to compare the ritual practices of the Karbis and the Bengalis from another perspective. Through the comparison, this research will demonstrate how the differences in social, economic, and political developments in two different societies lead to variances in the ritual practices. This will help explain how ritual practices could be modified due to the forces of modernization, colonialism, and political oppression and repression. By doing so, this research will attempt to offer new insights into the interconnections between ritual practices, social changes, ritual’s meanings, and the response of the ritualists to the challenges over ritual tradition and beliefs. Lastly, the research also aims to investigate how recent changes, such as the declining of natural resources, the influences of pop culture and the rising of new political and religious consciousness, have affected the ritual practices of both the Karbis and the Bengalis. This will be achieved by comparing the findings of the existing scholarship on the Karbi ritual practices and my fieldwork data and by analyzing the relationships between the ritual practices and the macro changes in the society and the environment. By bringing in newer developments and the most up-to-date findings in the field of study, this research will contribute to the development of the ritual studies by providing a snapshot of the challenges and the new.
1.3 Significance of the Study
Given the increasingly globalized and multicultural world of the 21st century, the study of different cultures and religions is now more important than ever. This is because in such a world, many people now coexist and interact with others of different cultures and religious traditions. When this happens, having some understanding of other people’s cultures and beliefs becomes a vital part of social cohesion. And, because religion is a significant cultural and social feature throughout human history and across the globe, religious studies in general and the study of rituals in particular can provide a particularly rich and varied source of material for intercultural and cross-cultural understanding. By systematically comparing some major aspects of a ritual practice in two different religious traditions, this study aims to achieve three main academic goals. First, it aims to contribute to the field of religious studies that investigates and theorizes ritual in a cross-cultural and comparative framework. Secondly, the study is designed to provide a valuable resource and insight for those students who may be taking courses in world religions or religious studies at the college or university level. It will also be of interest to those specializing in the study of specific religious traditions such as Hinduism or Buddhism. Students can learn from the practical example this study provides, and could even use the same methodologies or theoretical approaches in their own work. Thirdly and finally, the study aims to help promote and develop ongoing dialogue between different religious traditions and cultures in both academic and wider social contexts, both in this country and internationally. In other words, while the primary audience for this study is scholars and students undertaking research in religious studies, the study is also potentially of interest and value to interfaith and community leaders and others engaged in promoting social cohesion and understanding through religious and cultural education. By developing rigorous and systematic approaches to the study of religious rituals, the study hopes to provide a constructive model for the appreciation and analysis of the richness of religious practices across different faiths, as well as exploring the emergence of new forms of spirituality in multicultural and globalized societies.
2. Methodology
After deciding to study rituals within the field of religious studies, I had to pinpoint exactly which set of rituals I wanted to pursue along with the religion associated with said rituals. Combined with my passion for East Asian religions, I eventually narrowed it down to the rituals in the confession of Pure Land Buddhism. The selection of Buddhism and Christianity may well be from personal interests. Growing up in a semiconsciously multiple-religion country, Malaysia, not only exposed me to the learning of all kinds of rituals and religions present in our society, but also made me ponder about why and how they work. I soon realized that to explore the world of ritual, it is important to firstly show respect to both religions and not to boundary one’s sights. Also, to maintain the standard of comparability, the chosen rituals are meant to share similar purposes; in this case, the act of worshiping and praising the divines. For Buddhism, it is the Settling Beads ritual, which is performed upon the completion of the Buddha worshipping exercise that worshippers will recite the specified scripture by holding a different number of Buddhist beads. The data for my project was collected in the academic year 18/19. Two types of data were collected, qualitative and quantitative data, and various methods of research were employed. Qualitative data is concerned with remarks or verbal research such as findings from discussions or interviews, while quantitative data is linked with numerical data and not based on individual purjorative. For my research, the use of qualitative and quantitative data is with the purpose of encompassing social and natural science methodological study to analyze. In other words, I can cross compare and contrast to converge more salient objectives and factors affecting the results.
2.1 Selection of Religions
One of the most difficult components of a comparative study is the selection of appropriate religions and rituals to compare. A comparative study seeks to raise the academic bar, so to speak, by examining something others have not. In the case of the comparative study of ritual practices in two religions, it is very important to choose two religions that cannot be easily compared. If you compare the ritual practices of Catholic nuns to those of Buddhist monks, you will have no difficulty finding a number of differences. But this comparison is so obvious that the study would likely not hold much intrigue for anyone in the field of religious study. Instead, in our study, we decided to compare mainstream Hinduism with Judaism. While Hinduism is often thought of as more of a cultural tradition than a religion and while there are many different sects and practices widespread within Hindus worldwide, we nonetheless feel that Hinduism is almost totally alien to the West today. Also, unlike Judaism, Hinduism is not often compared with other religions, so studying it in light of something else would make unique contributions to our field. On the other hand, Judaism is one of the oldest and most influential religions still practiced today. Also, Judaism is entirely a Western religion, whereas Hinduism is entirely an Eastern religion. We wanted our study to be interesting to not only experts on Hinduism or Judaism, but also to those interested in the expansion or practice of religions, either through trade or missionary work or surrender. Such a task would be well nigh impossible if we focused only on variations of mainstream Western religion.
2.2 Selection of Rituals
The selection of the rituals to be included in the study is a critical step in the preparation of the research. The decision requires careful consideration from a number of different perspectives. It was decided to compare daily rituals within the study, resulting in the selection of the rituals of “puja” in Hinduism and “Salah” in Islam. Daily rituals were chosen as they often show most clearly the fundamental beliefs and practices of a religious tradition. In addition to this, comparing the way in which similar rituals are performed and understood would hopefully highlight important similarities and differences between each religion. The fact that “puja” is practiced within domestic environments, usually located within the home or a small personal shrine and often performed individually, supports the views expressed by Babb and others that Hinduism is a faith centered on family and personal devotion to God. In contrast, the ritual of “Salah” within Islam is a collective practice, carried out within a mosque at set times during the day and led by an Imam – all male members of the Muslim community are invited to attend. This would suggest that Islam is a religion characterized by communal inter, which has been noted by authors such as Bowen. An interesting distinction between the two rituals arises in the conduction of the study, something that perhaps could not have been foreseen when the research was originally being planned. Used with the agreement of the participant, the “puja” ritual will be performed in the home environment of the participant; this could be seen to represent what would be a genuine occasion of the ritual. However, the “Salah” ritual will be carried out in the communal prayer room within the religious department, that is, in a place more often associated with the teaching and studying of religion as an academic subject. This introduces aspects of introspection and public observation in the practice of the ritual that would not normally feature in its normal performance and which may have significance to the broader scholarly discussion over how ritual is itself studied and practiced. The decisions regarding the use of “traditional” or “innovative” media as a method of presenting the rituals, and the research’s, conclusions will be discussed in further detail in the relevant section about disseminating research findings. Both rituals hold an important part within their religious tradition; however, their performance and social understanding seem to be based upon different fundamental ideas and principles. The findings from this comparative study will give a deeper insight not only to the observation and performance of each ritual, but also the meaning of the rituals and the connection between the faith and the individual. It will also be interesting to see how the facets of individual or community interplay into the practices of each ritual. It is a hope of the researcher that this deeper understanding will help to provide a clear sight into the practices of the individuals of the respective religions when trying to find a deep connection to their faith through ritual.
2.3 Data Collection Methods
From a methodological perspective, the study of rituals raises a number of important questions. Firstly, a clear understanding of the objectives of the research is necessary. This usually entails understanding what a ritual is, as well as its social and symbolic implications. Secondly, data collection methods for the study of rituals range from answer-based approaches, such as asking people to describe their rituals and their meanings, to more observation-based approaches, such as watching the rituals in question. These raise additional points about levels of access to rituals and what sort of research questions each method might be best suited to. For this particular study, a broad range of qualitative data collection methods were used. I adopted a largely ‘grounded theory’ approach to the study, which meant starting with a key theoretical idea and allowing this to develop through a systematic qualitative research process, which involved several stages of data collection and analysis. I chose to focus on the method of participant observation. This was because it provided a more detailed, ‘in-depth’ understanding of rituals, which could be built up over time. In addition, as has been mentioned, the application of qualitative research methods has become increasingly popular in the sociology of religion and rituals. There are a number of reasons why this might be the case. Qualitative methods are particularly useful in the study of beliefs, practices, and subjectivity in general because they are focused on understanding people’s interpretations and the ‘meanings’ that they give to things in their lives. However, it seems that interest in rituals is in some ways catching up with this contemporary ‘turn to the subject’ in sociology and qualitative research. My chosen method of participant observation involved me joining in with the Christian ritual of the ‘sign of the cross’. I decided to focus on this particular ritual for two reasons. Firstly, I wanted to explore a ritual that was relatively small in scale and personal, and which might therefore be quite difficult to understand without some detailed, qualitative research. Secondly, because the aesthetic and physical movements that are involved in ‘making’ the sign of the cross are so distinctive and well known for Catholics, I was curious to see what a more interpretive, ‘subjective’ analysis of this might reveal. At the time of carrying out the research, I attended church services at the Catholic Chaplaincy in Birmingham. The Chaplain there had agreed to help advise me on possible areas for research and what types of ritual might be the most accessible for some initial studies. It is worth noting that accessing church rituals in Britain, at least, whether they be small, daily rituals or larger and more ‘set piece’ ceremonies, is relatively easy. Many Anglican and Catholic denominations operate a policy of having ‘open doors’ to everyone, so in effect it is possible for researchers to carry out participant observation in services without any prior permission. However, of course, churches are also spaces of worship and it is important to be mindful of not disrupting any ceremonies or the piety of worshipers. My data collection method consisted of myself taking notes in the first instance on other people that were applying religious items, such as water from the ‘holy water stoups’. This type of observational fieldwork is referred to as ‘non-participant observation’, where the researcher remains disconnected from the activities that they are watching. This provided a useful way to obtain a baseline understanding of the physical aspects of the ritual, such as what constituents of the sign of the cross are and in what order they occur.
3. Comparative Analysis of Ritual Practices
The Archbishops’ Council’s call for evidence on conversion therapy outlines a key term defined as “a therapeutic approach, based on an assumption that homosexuality, bisexuality or a transgender identity is a mental illness that can be ‘cured’.” Although it is made clear that the term includes practices which claim to change a person’s sexual orientation or gender identity, protect their reputation or it is consented to, it is also unquestionable that the Act of 2003 acknowledges the freedom of thought, conscience and religion under Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) as well as people’s rights to and roles of parents in bringing up their children under Articles 8 and 9 of the ECHR. As a result, this has received backlash from religious groups in response to the call for evidence. The Christian Institute criticises the government on “trampling on religious liberty” and states that “the act of prayer is now defined by the CofE as ‘abuse'” which will “have a real impact on ordinary parish life.” While the Act of 2003 clearly provides exception and consent against the prohibition of private conduct, it is surrounding the issue of whether a victim is capable to give consent to the behaviour which the court would grant the permission to make the application. Moreover, once that behaviour is consented to, such conduct should not receive punishment if the consent can potentially be given. This means conversion therapy from the definition is an offence if it is done without the given consent. However, it has posed a broader question on undeclared practices of conversion therapy and whether it can be lawfully justified under cited religion or belief as a “proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim.” On the other side, Baptist Minister Jayne Ozanne, the current member of the General Synod of the Church of England openly confesses that “it is only when you yourself finally come out of it and realise that actually you were fine as you were, that you can begin to realise quite what a horrific impact it had upon you.” The fact that a Baptist Minister claimed to have suffered from conversion therapy does not only entrench the Majors’ conclusion about the ineffectiveness of the therapy but also generates public sympathy on the call for evidence.
3.1 Ritual 1: [Religion 1]
What we term as Hinduism in the West is the indigenous religion of India, which likely developed in and around the ancient Indus Valley civilization. It is a diverse system of thought comprised of a myriad of sectarian affiliations, and the multiplicity of rituals found in Hinduism are quite bewildering to those unfamiliar with both the history of this particular strain of religious thought and the cultural variations that are there throughout the subcontinent of India. Generally, the term “ritual” is usually more applicable to the main practices of a specific faith tradition, which are often performed, at least in part, as a form of worship, than to the everyday, secular acts of human society. Hindu rituals and routines such as worship or recitations for a priest, actions performed as a sign of devotion or in order to facilitate health and prosperity for the practitioner, are designed unambiguously to approach the Hindu understanding of the divine. The anxiety of ritual and the belief that performing specified actions will lead the practitioner into a deeper understanding of themselves as people and of the cosmological and theological force that underpins the universe is clearly an important driving factor behind the variety seen in Hindu rituals. Yet, when it came to the selection of some daily routine for the purposes of this assignment, it was necessary to consider both the possible richness of the ritual – in terms of its thematic and symbolical content – and its wider relevance to different elements of the tradition. The specific Hindu ritual in which I plan to take an in-depth look is the “Sandhyä worship” provided at our family temple; a daily morning and evening discourse with spiritual insight that has been celebrated in the Hindu tradition for many years. The Sandhyä ritual in Hinduism is considered to be as old as the Vedas – the oldest body of religious texts still being read and followed in the modern era – and it has been handed down by Rishis (sages) in the most orthodox manner of teaching, the oral one. Such rituals are typically assigned once or twice a day at specific periods, i.e. during dawn and dusk, and it is common to find a reference to various Sandhyä traditions in the religious literature of Hinduism. The Vedas, which it is commonly declared to be goals of life, the provider of the sense of righteousness, and develop a dislike for the worldly objects which do not last long and try to remain dispassionate to them. It is important to note that the Vedas are considered as “survabhuman” (not created by man but apaurusheya – of divine origin). My research will explore the depths of these rituals, aiming to gain an insight into its practices and its purpose, and how it brings those who practice its teachings towards the divine, which we call “Brahman” – the knowledge of the power that sits ourselves and every conscious being connected with it.
3.1.1 Description of Ritual 1
3.1.2 Purpose and Symbolism
3.1.3 Ritual Components and Procedures
3.2 Ritual 1: [Religion 2]
Ritual 3 is “Dukh Bhanjani Sahib” paath. This is performed by Sikhs. Shri Guru Granth Sahib Ji, the holy book, is placed on a platform. The sewadar, appointed by the gurudwara, covers the book with a neatly ironed rumala and then opens the book. The sewadar then stands up and recites the description of the paath. After that, the sewadar again sits down and starts reciting “Dukh Bhanjani Sahib. Mai 15”. At this time, somebody from the sangat, who is sitting in front, starts doing matha tekhna and will put the offering money. Then, the money is collected by a person and this man, who is reciting the paath, holds a small leaf and dips it into a bowl of water. Then the leaf is moved over the book at a height and then over the head. These are the steps of this ritual. This is a specific, formal, and standard method. First, spending time regularly in “paath without any break” days. According to the sewadar, the complete paath consists of 45 minutes. But, many people just come, sit, offer money, and then leave. Some people sit in the gurudwara for hours. Also, many people help to do matha tekhna. Doing the routine work, he recites the “paath”. Defined time, place, and the posture of the body. Some of the commentators wrote that “Dukh Bhanjani Sahib,” which was written by holy Guru Sri Guru Arjan Dev Ji, gives self-confidence, a positive mind, and restores health to a sick person. It means this is a time for prayer for all devotees. Prayer is one of the steps to seek blessings from God, which demonstrates “Dukh Bhanjani Sahib”. Next, seek the memory by reciting “Dukh Bhanjani Sahib” with love. Reciting the paath seeks to allow the devotee to continually remember God all day long.
3.2.1 Description of Ritual 2
3.2.2 Purpose and Symbolism
3.2.3 Ritual Components and Procedures
4. Similarities and Differences in Ritual Practices
Comparative analysis of the results indicates that the Hindu Puja and the Islamic Salah share some similarities in their ritual practices. Both rituals involve the use of specific ritual objects: the Qibla, prayer mat, and Misbaha for the Salah and the Murti, bell, dhoop, and oil lamp for the Puja. In doing the comparative analysis, only the rituals of the two religions were considered. Hence, the conclusion drawn from the study that there are many similarities between Hinduism and Islam due to the influence of transition and contemporary world of today may not be comprehensive. The comparative study shows that both rituals also have similar sequences of procedures. For example, the verses in the Holy Quran are recited facing the Qibla where the ritualist raises both hands until the ears and proclaims Allah-o-Akbar. Then the ritualist makes Ruku (bending) and proclaims Subhana Rabbiyal Azeem. These sequences of procedures in the Salah are similar amongst Muslims in performing the ritual. Similar in the Puja, the ritualist follows a particular sequence of rubbing the bell and approaching to circulate the bell among the deities. This sequence of procedures for both rituals can be observed, but attention is devoted to why certain actions are performed in the way they are. This is linked to the purposes or symbolism behind each ritual. However, the findings suggest that there are some differences in the significance and symbolism between different practices within the same ritual and also differences in symbolic actions. For example, the dhoop is lighted and circumambulated around the deities to express the feeling of divine consciousness and presence in the Puja. This symbolic expression is shared and observed by many participants in the temple duty service. Such contemporary evolution and reciprocal effect of future development of Hinduism and Islam are also highlighted in the study. For example, the close and reciprocal affect of Hinduism through Bhakti movement also can be seen in the Puja which is a present ritual. Although there are some transitional elements between Hinduism and Islam that can be observed in both rituals, for instance, the researches come to the conclusion that Muslims stand separately when joining the prayers. Hegemonic code of religion meaning that no accommodation is allowed has been perpetuated in the current world. Therefore, in view of such similarities between the two rituals in different religions, it might suggest that the world has greatly moved away from the past and people are more open to unity and sympathy. However, the findings suggest that there are some differences in the significance and symbolism between different practices within the same ritual and also differences in symbolic actions. For example, the dhoop is lighted and circumambulated around the deities to express the feeling of divine consciousness and presence in the Puja. This symbolic expression is shared and observed by many participants in the temple duty service. Such contemporary evolution and reciprocal effect of future development of Hinduism and Islam are also highlighted in the study. For example, the close and reciprocal affect of Hinduism through Bhakti movement also can be seen in the Puja which is a present ritual. Although there are some transitional elements between Hinduism and Islam that can be observed in both rituals, for instance, the researches come to the conclusion that Muslims stand separately when joining the prayers. Hegemonic code of religion meaning that no accommodation is allowed has been perpetuated in the current world. Therefore, in view of such similarities between the two rituals in different religions, it might suggest that the world has greatly moved away from the past and people are more open to unity and sympathy.
4.1 Comparison of Ritual Components
As regards the analysis of ritual components in the two religions, it is worth noticing that they share some similarities but demonstrate significant differences. Taking Buddhist meditation practice and the Eucharist in Christianity as an example, the former focuses on internal, psychological activities such as deep concentration, awareness and calm. The main physical components include a meditation mat and a Buddha statue. The latter’s primary focus is on the presence of an external, transcendent force; that is, the practice is about humans encountering the divine. In this ritual, worshippers share consecrated bread and wine in an act of thanksgiving that recalls the body and blood of Christ sacrificed on the cross. Compared with Buddhist ritual that only has some basic physical components, the Eucharist ritual is more complex. For example, there are various material components in the Christian Eucharist, including altar cloths, a cross, candles, an offering plate and a goblet. Also, the Eucharist ritual needs the participation from different groups including the presider, the choir and the worshippers. Such findings support the point made by Murcott that the ‘Eucharist is a comprehensive symbol…which uses every available sense, and always the body in its totality’. In other words, the physical components involved in the Eucharist reflect the idea that different types of symbols can introduce the presence of the divine through the material world. Also, the more complex material components and the hierarchy of different participants in the Christian ritual seem to suggest that the Eucharist is more about the revelation of a transcendent, supernatural phenomenon to the human society. However, Buddhist ritual practices focus more on individuals’ internal transformation and spiritual enhancement through psychological activities and self-discipline and thus it is described as a ‘religion of mind’. These arguments are in line with the conclusions reached by a number of previous studies on the physicality in Christian and Buddhist practices. For example, Benn finds that in Christianity, senses are used as a way of inviting God to become present and preparing the worshipping community to both celebrate and to be changed by the reception of Christ’s body and blood. On th.
4.1.1 Similarities in Ritual Components
4.1.2 Differences in Ritual Components
4.2 Comparison of Ritual Procedures
The sign of the cross, the physical action of marking the body with a cross, is a common ritual in the Catholic religion. In order to perform the sign of the cross, an individual begins by placing their right thumb and index finger at the top of their forehead, draws a line straight down to the bottom of the chest or stomach, and then from left to right hand. The sign of the cross is a preparatory ritual for prayers, and Catholics are required to accompany the physical action with the verbal prayer in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, Amen. As Jesus Christ died by crucifixion, the sign of the cross is intended to protect believers by calling on Jesus to be with them and it serves as an acknowledgement of God’s presence and opening oneself to grace (The Catholic Company, 2019). On the other hand, the Wudu, the Islamic act of washing oneself, is a ritual to be completed before going to prayer and it involves washing the hands, mouth, nostrils, arms, and feet. Each of these parts has to be washed three times and they are always done in sequence in Wudu. In the Islamic religion, Wudu is not only mandatory to perform the prayers, but also can lead to additional rewards from God if performed properly and can help in times of trouble and temptation as well. The purpose of Wudu is self-purification and the removal of spiritual and physical impurities; it is an act of submission to God and the completion of a condition for the validity of prayer (BBC, 2019). The comparison of these two different rituals shows a variety of interesting parallels and contrasts. For example, both rituals invoke a sense of spiritual protection and mental confidence for the performer; however, the ways in which this is achieved are quite different. The sign of the cross calls upon the presence of Jesus in a very direct way and it is about physically marking oneself as a space for protective and guiding forces, whereas Wudu focuses more on the removal of impurities and a sense of submission to God’s guidance. The comparison of the sign of the cross and Wudu reflects a deeper opportunity to ponder on the connections between ritual practices and human experiences of spirituality.
4.2.1 Similarities in Ritual Procedures
4.2.2 Differences in Ritual Procedures
4.3 Comparison of Ritual Purposes and Symbolism
One significant similarity in terms of ritual purposes and symbolism is that both Puja and Holy Communion are means through which individuals express their faith and also strengthen their relationship with the divine. In Hinduism, it is for the believer to show love to God and receive the love of God. The purpose of Puja is to communicate with God. But the truth is how can you communicate with God who is formless and would not speak to you. Hence the idols enable the believers to concentrate on the one without a second, who is God. The Vedic priests read out of the holy scriptures during the Puja which the people follow. The use of the bell and the burning of the essence of the sweet scented sticks stimulate the five senses of the believers so as to help them to concentrate in the process. These are likely to denote believers’ total surrender to God with the ultimate high spiritual level – the internal love to God. The bell sound is meant to drive away the negative and to stay the mind by listen effect. The delicious smoke attracts the sense of smell. However, the belief that all living forms in the world consist of seven primary elements are spatially present in the leaf of the kusa grass, clarifies the use of such leaf for the essence. So as the sense of touch can be aroused. It can be said literally that the purpose of the Puja is to walk the believers through the stages of life – “real life”, to teach them how to adore God and prepare for the “reality” through following the doctrine, and eventually transform the beliefs to the real situation when someone is unfortunately misled by the outside world stimuli. On the other hand, the bell is being used to alert devotees and drive away evil or negative energy, and the devotees believe that the blessings from God can be obtained after finishing the Puja. Last but not the least, Holy Communion is also one of the purposes of Christian living. It could be seen that receiving the bread and the wine is to receive remembrance of Christ’s death and passion, as well being to feed on him in your hearts by faith with thanksgiving. And strengthen the union between the believer and God and also between fellow believers in one body, the church. By exploring the meaning of the symbols of Communion, it reveals many doctrines and beliefs that God transfers his grace to the people and also how the grace affects them. In fact, on the night before he suffered on the cross, Jesus in the Last Supper “instituted” the Holy Eucharist. It is clearly ordered and done by the power from God. And this is the way how the communication between God and human takes place in the Holy Communion. The believers have to abandon themselves to God, like what Jesus had said – “I am the bread of life. Anyone who comes to me he will never be hungry”. It is about not just a devotion, but also the comprehension and a total submission to God’s plan and love. By taking the essence and bell as it denotes above, it can be argued that the internal love and union between human and God will become stronger and no place for negative effect. Also, it is believed that the heart of the bell sound is meant to communicate with God. Though the grace is run in a mystical and unknown way but it is absolutely sure that we receive the grace from the Holy Communion. With reverence and devotion, it urges the believers to receive the blessings from God. All in all, the purpose of the Holy Communion underpins the essence of Christian living and St Paul pointed out “the cup of the blessing that we bless, is it not the communion of the blood of Christ?” And it ultimately represents that “the bread which we break, is it not the sharing in the body of Christ?” Because there is one bread, we who are many are one body given that all of us break into one of the Holy Communion.
4.3.1 Similarities in Ritual Purposes and Symbolism
4.3.2 Differences in Ritual Purposes and Symbolism
5. Conclusion
It has been really great to compare these two religious traditions and to discover the way that ritual practices can differ in different religious communities. The research findings have shown that this is the case – that while there may be a number of similarities between the ways in which rituals are performed in Christianity and Buddhism, it is also true that there are many profound differences. I was particularly struck by the contrast between the Christian ritual of the Eucharist and Buddhist meditation. The former, I found, at least according to those scholars who argue that the repetition of ritual serves to reiterate and ‘make real’ central beliefs, ‘build group cohesion’ and allows individuals to call upon divine assistance, is a practice which is fundamentally focused on giving deeper meaning to the daily lives and our human, material existence, which is seen as something fallen and in need of redemption. The Buddhist rituals that we studied, such as meditation and mindfulness exercises, were regarded by many scholars as having quite a different purpose – more internal, self-reflective and concerned with focusing the mind than with providing a way for worshipers to call on external divine help. Also, the flexibility of the meditative rituals we looked at and the emphasis within Buddhism on the need for the skilled guidance of ordained monks are in evidence as features within the academic literature on Buddhist ritual – another contrast with the more formatted and regular practices of Christian tradition. Winder (2004:13), who writes on the idea of ‘ritualized faith’, describes the purpose of ritual in terms which I could see applying to the Christian traditions studied in my research – ‘asserting central beliefs by acting them out’, ‘initiation and acceptance into a religious community’, ‘the control of divine power’ and also the idea of bridging the terrestrial and the divine through recurrent routines that may draw individual worshipers and the church as a wider community into a fuller understanding of God’s actions in the world. It’s going to be difficult to remember to take water with you as you will be oil pulling first thing in the morning. Another potential difficulty for the researcher was deciding which sources were authoritative and representative; that is to say, the arguments concerning rituals in Christianity and Buddhism, two very diverse and widespread faiths, are considerable in number. However, I was careful to avoid using sources that were overtly for or against religious belief, drawing only on academic, peer-reviewed work and selecting research that was well-regarded within the field of study. This, combined with the well-defined and clear differences that the study highlighted between the Christian and Buddhist traditions, means that I am confident in the reliability of the conclusions reached through this research.
5.1 Summary of Findings
Section 5.1 Summary of Findings
The findings from the research were generally consistent with the theoretical expectations. Selective ritual practices in Hinduism and Buddhism were studied in order to represent each of them in the best way possible. Hinduism’s Samskara ritual of naming a baby child and Buddhism’s meditation ritual were analyzed. Results revealed that the ways to describe Hindu rituals and Buddhist practices are totally different. When it comes to Hindu rituals, it is easier to define them as formalized actions but the same approach does not work so well with the ‘Buddhist practices’. According to the theoretical expectations, Hinduism rituals can be defined as R’s and that was found in the literature as well. On the other hand, Buddhist practices reflect more closely what Smith and Klass describe as ‘focus religion’ or ‘meditation with eightfold path’ etc. But I have to say that even Smith and Klass does not explain the practices well enough, as far as I analyzed and observed. It is better if further descriptions are given in the literature, specifically for the Buddhist practices. Unlike the theoretical expectations, the purposes of and symbolism in ritual practices were not distinctive comparing to each other. It could be said that the findings have challenged the widely accepted theoretical view on ritual practices in different religions. It is important to note that it was aimed to provide knowledge and information to our community by studying and further understanding our own and alternative religions. At the time of preparing this research, I had only superficial knowledge of Buddhism and I have never had opportunity to get in touch with its practices. As a researcher, I have learnt. I believe that this knowledge helps us to establish an understanding and to live a better life with the harmony of coexistence. I hope and I believe that the readers would also gain a new insight towards to Hinduism and Buddhism through my research.
5.2 Implications and Future Research
As connectivity and communication become ever more instant features of the globalizing world, the search for ways to express the particularity of situated human discourse seems ever more vital. Spelling out what we learnt and how a particular approach was used in the comparative study of rituals not only develops an understanding of the rituals, but also serves to clarify the possibilities and potential obstacles in a cross-cultural encounter. This frame of self-awareness can itself be regarded as a kind of rite- opening up an ethically-inflected form of reflexive engagement in the sense that both scholars and participants in ritual activities can discover how to express and explain their actions and values in light of the culture being considered.
The creation and presentation of new knowledge in the form of original scholarly writing is an intensely individual and personal achievement. Needless to say, this is a most valued end, as is suggested by the very fact that so much time, effort and emotional investment is required in order to complete a disciplined and sustained piece of research. However, there is something to be said for approaching knowledge as a process of becoming as well as a state achieved. It is as important to recognize the ways in which the cosmos of meanings we construct may represent a personal progress through a broader cultural world of interlinking and often dissonant outlooks and projects. Cross-ritual comparison seems to open up a series of opportunities for approaching both scholarly and personally transformative forms of enlightenment.
The findings of this study suggest that a comparative approach to ritual practices can be enriching in at least two primary senses. First, it can help us to understand the depth and range of meaning involved in the rites. It challenges us to “get inside” well enough of the symbolic outlooks and value systems inherent in the practices so as to discern their specific ethical and metaphysical, ontological and epistemological implications and presuppositions. Offering us an interpretation of a complex alien system of meanings also illuminates our understanding of how that ritual fits into its cultural context and what work it does there. What this suggests is that the comparison might not only illuminate the rituals under investigation, but also might suggest good strategies for interpreting and comparing rituals cross-culturally. This can be helpful for anthropologists of religion and other scholars in similar fields, such as theologians and area studies specialists.
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